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Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology & the Ancient World
Brown University
Box 1837 / 60 George Street
Providence, RI 02912
Telephone: (401) 863-3188
Fax: (401) 863-9423
Joukowsky_Institute@brown.edu
This will be a discussion week! On Friday we will break into two groups to discuss the primary literature from the Middle Kingdom assigned for reading over the past two weeks. Rules are as previously: grad students must post topics for discussion, everyone else is HIGHLY encouraged to do so (remember that participation is 10% of your grade in here - if you're shy about speaking up in class, this is a great way to get involved and get that credit). We'll use the questions posted here as the backbone of our conversations. If the weather is nice we'll do this outside on the back green, so bring a sweatshirt if it's going to be in the 50s, and pants you don't mind sitting on the ground in.
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Posted at Mar 14/2010 11:43PM:
Kathryn Howley: This is slightly unrelated to this week's topic, but Emily and I were at the Worcester Art Museum in Massachussetts on Friday, and they have a small Egyptian collection. There were several objects related to things we've been discussing in class: firstly there was a raised relief panel from the Old Kingdom which was for an administrator in the reign of Teti. A pygmy was depicted with a monkey and a dog, showing that even before Harkhuf exotic goods and especially pygmies seem to have been very fashionable in the 6th Dynasty! Secondly there was a roughly lifesize but broken statue of an Old Kingdom woman called Hetepheres from the tomb of Rawer. I assume that this is the same Rawer whose biography we read a few weeks ago- very cool to see something connected to him 'in the flesh', and so close to Brown!
Posted at Mar 15/2010 06:44PM:
JTroche:
Some Questions for Friday's Discussion
For the Didactic Literature in general (Neferti, Ipuwer, & Instruction from Amenemhat I to his son Senwosret I, p134-44) what consistencies do you see between these texts uniting them under the common genre 'didactic literature?' Are there stock phrases that can be identified between them? (HINT look at p138 & p155). Can we identify parallel themes from previous readings, like the (auto)biographies?
Instruction of King Amenemhat to his son Senwosret I (p135-9): When do we think this was written? How does the text express the theme of 'national distress?'
Prophecy of Nerferti (p139-45): Why does the author situation the story in the historic past dating to Snefru? What other evidence do we have for Middle Kingdom kings associating themselves with the memory of Snefru? (hint think of Dahshur and Monday's class lecture)
Admonitions of Ipuwer (p149-63): This question has been brought up before, but is very important - how do we rectify the issue of using a composition for which our only evidence is of a later date? The central theme of this story is the tension between Good/Order (ma'at) Chaos (isfet) with the First Intermediate Period representing a period of extreme isfet. What are some examples of this chaotic period as described in the text? Is this historically accurate to what we have learned about the FIP in Shaw, Kemp (other readings) and in class?
Sinuhe (p222-35): Who is Sinuhe? PLOT: What significant political event occurred, prompting Sinuhe to leave Egypt? Where did he go? What did he do there? Why did he return? SIG: What historical information can we pull from this text? What does it say about foreign relations during the MK? What about socio-religious topics - does it say anything about funerary practices for example?
Rock Stela of Mentuhotep IV (p113-5): What historical and religious information can we derive from this inscription? What does it tell us about the vizier Amenemhat? Why is he potentially a very significant character?
Building Inscription of Senwosret I (p115-8): Again a carry over question from last week -- Does the medium of the text affect the way we derive meaning from it?? This text was found on a leather papyrus roll but surely was meant to be inscribed (or probably WAS actually inscribed) upon the building or a stela. Does the medium change its meaning? If yes, in what ways? What does the text tell us about key ideas like 'divine authority,' or the incessant desire to be memorialized? What can it tell us about actual building foundation rituals?
Boundary Stela of Senwosret III (p118-20): Where was this text found and what does that tell us about the political state under Senwosret III? Who is the audience of this text? Can people at the border read it?
Stela of Ikhernofret (p123-5): What does this tell us about the Osiris Festival and Procession? What does this tell us about the participants in what has been referred to as the "mysteries of Osiris?" What is the King's roll in all of this? This is a private stela, but who is depicted upon it?
Posted at Mar 15/2010 08:47PM:
Emily Russo
Posted at Mar 16/2010 11:20AM:
Prof. B: These are all really good questions so far. In general rather than specific, I think we should be alert to ways in which the depiction of kings and their relationships to elites and gods are the same and/or different from the Old Kingdom texts we read. Keep them coming!
Posted at Mar 18/2010 12:35AM:
Kathryn Howley: Thinking about how kingship and the king is presented in these texts:
Building Inscription of Senwosret I: relative status of king and god? Instruction of Merikare: relative status of king and god? Admonitions of Ipuwer: Attitude of author to king? Teaching of Amenemhat I: is king presented as nearer to god or man?
How has the presentation of the king and kingship changed since the Old Kingdom?
Related to this, think about the king and how he is used as a literary device in these texts (see Teaching of Amenemhat I, Stela of Ikhernofret, Admonitions of Ipuwer). Does the very fact that he is being used in this way give us any clue about how kingship was viewed in the Middle Kingdom?
Some of these texts are not what we might think of as literary texts, but still contain literary elements: Building Inscription of Senwosret I with poetry and konigsnovelle, Hymn to Senwosret III with metaphorical language. Should we talk about texts such as these as literature, can we ever draw a line between literature and not-literature?
Posted at Mar 18/2010 05:25PM:
Edward Kelting: Regarding the Prophecies of Neferti: According to Neferti's prophecy, it is "Ameny, the justified" who will resolve all of the problems that beleaguered Egypt. Based on this source alone, it would seem as if Amenemhet I, in whose reign the work was composed, regarded himself as bringing about the final reunification of Egypt after the conflict of the First Intermediate Period. However, given the literary nature of the work, this might be--probably is--too hasty a conclusion at which to arrive. What view of the previous 11th Dynasty was adopted by 12th Dynasty monarchs, and Amenemhet I in particular? To what extent is this claim of reunification historical, and to what extent is Amenemhet represented as fulfilling a ritualistic, non-historical function of Egyptian kingship in this text?
Amanda Davis:
1. Considering that the Prophecies of Neferti was composed at a much later date than the events taking place in the story, what does this say about the nature of the text itself? How does this affect our reading of the material? What effect would a text like this have in the period it was composed? What does it say about role of kingship in the Middle Kingdom? Consider the effects on the landscape, the reversals of social order, etc.
2. In the story of Sinuhe, what events transpire that make him leave? Considering that we have other texts hinting at the possible assasination of Amenemhat I, how does this factor into our reading of the fictional tale? What does this say about funerary practices (page 229) in the Middle Kingdom? Concerning kingship, why does Sinuhe react the way he does when he is presented to the king? What similarities can you see between this text and the tomb biographies we looked at from the Old Kingdom? (I'm thinking about the very end of the story)
3. In the Boundary Stela of Sesostris III (Senwosret III), what does the king say about his expansion into Nubia and what does this say about foreign relations with Egypt's southern neighbors during this period? What effect would this have on a travelling Nubian that came upon this stela?
4. How does the Instruction of Amenemhat I compare to the Instruction for Merikare? What are the similarities and what major differences can we see? How is the possible assasination of the king treated in this text?
Posted at Mar 19/2010 01:50AM:
Brooke Garcia: After reading the Building Inscription of Sesostris I, I was intrigued by the almost formulaic aspect of the text.
Step 1: Show how powerful I am, Step 2: Tell everyone I am building a temple, Step 3: Courtier's response, Step 4: Appoint someone to build it, Step 5: Foundation ceremony.
Is there a reason that the text was written in this manner? Do other building inscriptions follow this pattern? Why did the Dynasty 18 scribe feel that this inscription was worthy of copying?
While I was reading the Instruction of King Amenemhet I for His Son Sesostris I, I was struck by the graphic nature of the narrative. Although the passage was written from Amenemhat's perspective, Lichtheim states that a court scribe may have written the account after the assassination of the king. Is this the view of most Egyptologists, or just the author? Are there other records of regicide that are similar to this passage? Are there other accounts that describe Amenemhat's murder, or is this the only written evidence?
Posted at Mar 19/2010 02:51AM:
Laura L:
1. In the text from Khui's tomb at Saqqara (#136, pg 221-222 -- also mentioned in Nyankhpepy's text, #143, page 229), he says that he will be the "sole companion and lector priest" to the god. This declaration of his uniqueness sparked my curiosity about the general idea regarding positions in the afterlife. If (for example) kings were preparing to be the gods' companion in the afterlife, did that vision include an understanding that there were loads of other kings who had lived before him and provided in their tombs for the same relationship? They didn't think that gods were immortal, but did they think (for example!) that there were multiple "copies" of them so that all dead kings could continue their roles in the afterlife, or did they just sort of assume that once they died it was their "turn"? I know we can't exactly get inside their heads to know first-hand what they thought, but I was wondering what this might say about their perception of continuity in the afterlife?
2. From Yotefnen's false door at Giza (# 117, page 204): "The paid employees of the funerary estate will bring their invocation offerings for me in the necropolis in exchange for a sealed and registered service agreement."
This passage really intrigued me. It almost sounded as if making offerings is a tax-deductible duty...? What does it suggest?
3. The Shaw reading heavily emphasizes that Egypt was very strongly reunited politically in the Middle Kingdom, and even though there were nomarchs still tied to the provinces, their number was reduced and they came to be under greater regulation from the king. I'm wondering, was the cultural regionalism (generally, what the common people were involved with) that developed during the FIP being stifled or forced to diminish under this newly-strengthened political center?